From the mid-16th through the 18th century, there were virtually no technical changes in the methods of book production, but the organization of the trade moved gradually toward its modern form. The key functions of publishing, selecting the material to be printed and bearing the financial risk of its production, shifted from the printer to the bookseller and from him to the publisher in his own right; the author, too, at last came into his own. The battle with the censor became increasingly fierce before any measure of freedom of the press was allowed. Literacy grew steadily and the book trade expanded, both within and beyond national boundaries.
In the golden age of Elizabeth I, publishing in England was probably at its most turbulent. Through her Injunctions of 1559, Elizabeth confirmed the charter of the Stationers’ Company and the system of licensing by the crown or its nominees, which now included church dignitaries. Controls were tightened in 1586 by a decree of the Star Chamber, which confined printing to London, except for one press each in the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The Stationers’ Company was given powers to inspect printing offices and to seize and destroy offending material or presses, which it zealously did, as much in defense of its monopoly as in support of the crown. But despite stern measures, the great religious question, in which Elizabeth steered a precarious course between Papists and Puritans, continued to be fought out with secret presses on both sides.
Within the legitimate trade, the booksellers had begun to get the upper hand. The incorporation of the Stationers’ Company, like that of other London companies, was in itself an indication of the ascendancy of the trader over the craftsman. During the reign of Elizabeth, as part of a developing system of monopolies, the former short-term privileges for publishing certain works or classes of works (called “copies”) were granted, for a consideration, as life patents with rights of reversion, such as those enjoyed by Richard Tottel for law books or John Day for alphabet books and catechisms. The printers had already been driven by high costs to make arrangements with the booksellers, to their own disadvantage. Gradually, the very best copies came into the hands of a rich few, who ruled the company and who, in the words of a report of 1582, “keepe no printing howse, neither beare any charge of letter, or other furniture but onlie paye for the workmanship.” In 1577 an abortive revolt was led by John Wolfe, who maintained his right to print whatever he pleased. Wolfe was twice imprisoned, but he was finally bought off by admission to the Stationers’ Company. In 1584 to still the discontent, some of the rich patentees surrendered a number of copies to the company for the benefit of its poorer members. These were supplemented in 1603, when King James I withdrew some patents from individuals and sold them to the company, again for “the poore of the same.”
In this way the Stationers’ Company itself became a publishing organization; and having tasted the advantages, it bought up more and more copies on its own account. These came to be divided into “stocks,” the English Stock, Bible Stock, Irish Stock, Latin Stock, and Ballad Stock, with shares allocatedamong its members. By 1640, through leasing the patents at its discretion, the company controlled most of the printing offices in London. The benefit to the poor stationers was somewhat marginal and the monopoly and lack of foreign stimulus caused England to lag behind the Continent in standards of production.
For all that, the privileged men were sometimes good publishers; a few even supported authorsduring their labours. Some landmarks of the period were John Lyly’s Euphues, published by Gabriel Cawood (1578); Sir Thomas North’s translation of Plutarch’s Lives, so important for Shakespeare, by Thomas Vautroullier (1579); Edmund Spenser’s Faerie Queene, by William Ponsonbie (1589–96), and the Authorised (or King James) Version of the Bible (1611), which was completed in a room at Stationers’ Hall and printed at the expense of Robert Barker, the king’s printer.
Publication of drama was left, along with much of the poetry and the popular literature, to publishers who were not members of the Stationers’ Company and to the outright pirates, who scrambled for what they could get and but for whom much would never have been printed. To join this fringe, the would-be publisher had only to get hold of a manuscript, by fair means or foul, enter it as his copy (or dispense with the formality), and have it printed. Just such a man was Thomas Thorpe, the publisher of Shakespeare’s sonnets (1609); the mysterious “Mr. W.H.” in the dedication is thought by some to be the person who procured him his copy. The first Shakespeare play to be published (Titus Andronicus, 1594) was printed by a notorious pirate, John Danter, who also brought out, anonymously, a defective Romeo and Juliet (1597), largely from shorthand notes made during performance. Eighteen of the plays appeared in “good” and “bad” quartos before the great First Folio in 1623. A typical imprint of the time, of the “good” second quarto of Hamlet (1604), reads: “Printed by I.R. for N.L. and are to be sold at his shoppe under Saint Dunston’s Church in Fleetstreet”; i.e., printed by James Roberts for Nicholas Ling. For the First Folio, a large undertaking of more than 900 pages, a syndicate of five was formed, headed by Edward Blount and William Jaggard; the Folio was printed, none too well, by William’s son, Isaac.
Attempts to control the publishing business continued through most of the 17th century. In 1637 the Star Chamber issued its most drastic decree, which confirmed previous enactments, laid down detailed licensing procedures, reduced the total number of printers to 23, and prescribed severe penalties for offenses. Four years later, however, the Star Chamber itself was swept away by Parliament, and in the ensuing uncertainty the book trade had a taste of freedom. This new situation quickly alarmed not only the Stationers’ Company, which saw its privileges vanishing, but also Parliament, which proved to be as reactionary as the royalists. In 1643 it passed an ordinance restoring both licensing and the powers of the company. It was this act that prompted John Milton to write his Areopagitica, a noble and powerful plea for freedom of the press, which vigorously argued against every claim of justification for censorship. After the Restoration, the Licensing Act of 1662 was ruthlessly enforced until after the Great Plague of 1664–65, when its rigours were mitigated; it lapsed in 1679. James II revived licensing in 1685, but Parliament refused to renew it in 1694. Thereafter, restraint, harassment, and persecution continued, but by other means, under a broad interpretation of the meaning of libel. With the end of licensing and the gradual breakdown of the whole guild system, the Stationers’ Company declined in importance; but it remained useful in connection with copyright.
In the latter part of the 17th century, publishing expanded rapidly, partly through the rise of the periodical press (see below Magazine publishing), with its growing body of writers and readers. Successful books became highly profitable, and the author’s right to a proper share was more widely recognized. The poet John Dryden is said to have received a total of £1,200 for his Virgil (1697), at a time when a shopkeeper might receive £50 a year and a labourer £15. Patronage continued, with all its political implications; but dedications became increasingly cut-and-dried, costing five guineas for a poem, perhaps, or 20 for a play; royalty was naturally expected to pay more. By the 1750s it was virtually at an end; “We have done with patronage,” said Dr. Johnson. In its place came the public at large, to whom Henry Fielding dedicated his satirical piece for the theatre, The Historical Register for the Year 1736, on its publication in the following year. In the expanding literary market, the enterprising publisher tried to collect all the most promising authors to write for him. Through his personal inclinations, his sense of public taste, and his readiness to risk novelty, he began to play a part of his own in the course of literary development. As this side of the business absorbed more and more of his energies, the final separation of publisher and bookseller came about, though never so decisively as that between bookseller and printer.
In Britain this transition was marked—and fostered—by the passing of the Copyright Act of 1709, the first of its kind in any country. It was “An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by vesting the copies of printed books in the authors or purchasers of such copies during the times therein mentioned.” For books printed before the act, the time was 21 years, “and no longer” (from April 10, 1710, when the act came into force). For works not yet published, the copyright was 14 years, “and no longer,” though if the author was still living at the end of that time period, the copyright returned to him for a further period of 14 years. Penalties were also laid down, and registration at Stationers’ Hall was made a condition for their enforcement.
The Copyright Act of 1709, like all subsequent measures, tried to strike a balance between the needs of those who make a living from books—writers, printers, and publishers—and the interests of the reading public, which are far from identical; it tried, in other words, to limit privilege as well as piracy. The terms it set were amended when they came to be regarded as too short; but in setting any term at all, and in focusing attention on the author as prime producer, it was revolutionary.
The fathers of modern publishing in Britain, which may be said to date from this time, were Jacob Tonson, who acquired the copyright of Milton’s Paradise Lost and published works by Dryden, Joseph Addison, Sir Richard Steele, and Alexander Pope, among others; and Barnaby Bernard Lintot, who also published Pope, paying him some £5,300 in all for his verse translation of the Iliad. Charles Rivington began publishing in 1711, and Longmans, Green & Co. was begun in 1724 by Thomas Longman when he bought the business of William Taylor, the publisher of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe. At mid-century the best-known figure in the trade was Robert Dodsley, the footman-poet who was befriended by Pope. Among “his” authors were Pope himself, Oliver Goldsmith, Laurence Sterne, and Samuel Johnson. He is credited with suggesting the idea of the Dictionary to Dr. Johnson, and his name heads the list of “gentlemen partners” who financed it. Such cooperative associations were popular as a means of financing longer works. They were known as congers and developed into a system of shares in individual books, which could be bought and sold at will.